Essay Read by Constituting America Founder, Actress Janine Turner
The essays in our study reference the following edition of Democracy In America: University of Chicago Press – 1st edition translated by Harvey Mansfield and Delba Winthrop. Today’s essay references pages 275 (Start at “On Religion”) – 282 (Stop at “On the Principal Causes”) of this edition of Democracy in America.
Religion and Democracy in America:
An Essay on the Observations of Alexis de Tocqueville
America’s Founding Fathers believed there was an inseparable link between faith and freedom. They were convinced that if one flourishes the other will as well and that liberty particularly would be at risk if religion and virtue diminished. The evidence of these shared convictions is unmistakable, as revealed in the quotations below. In addition, decades after it factored into the Framers’ crafting of the U.S. Constitution, De Tocqueville emphasized the foundational significance of religion in preserving American freedom. But why is this so?
In a free society, self-government is a prerequisite for social order. If citizens exercise self-restraint in relation to others and take responsibility for their well-being and that of their dependents, then freedom and limited government can be maintained. In the absence of self-government, freedom will diminish as various forms of coercive government power necessarily fill the void. Self-government requires the exercise of moral virtue, often referred to as public virtue. And moral virtue is generally and historically the fruit of sincere faith. This is why the Founders saw the great utility of religious belief.
John Adams, our second President, wrote, “Our constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other.” The father of our Constitution, James Madison, offered a similar insight when he observed that our form of government necessitated “sufficient virtue among men for self-government.” And perhaps the strongest statement on this point was offered by President Washington in his “Farewell Address” to the people of the United States in 1796. He wrote,
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports…. And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
The relationship between freedom, religion, and virtue has been insightfully described by some observers as the “golden triangle of freedom.” Freedom begets the exercise of religious belief, religious belief begets virtue, and virtue strengthens freedom. This was universally understood by America’s founding generation.
It should come as no surprise, therefore, that the essential interconnection between faith and freedom was among De Tocqueville’s key observations about our young nation. In his Democracy in America subchapter entitled “Of Religion Considered as a Political Institution, How It Serves Powerfully to Maintain the Democratic Republic among the Americans,” De Tocqueville notes, “Who could deny the fortunate influence of religion on mores and the influence of mores on the government of society [?]” Here the word “mores” is essentially the same as public virtue, a set of generally accepted moral norms within a community. De Tocqueville saw such mores as a powerful influence, both directly and indirectly, on the American political order and critical for sustaining freedom. He writes, “From the onset, politics and religion found themselves in accord, and they have not ceased to be so since.”
In his following subchapter entitled “Indirect Influence Exercised by Religious Beliefs on Political Society in the United States,” De Tocqueville affirms a non-sectarian value of religious belief. “There is an innumerable multitude of sects in the United States. All differ in the worship that must be given to the Creator, but all agreed on the duties of men toward one another. Each sect therefore adores God in its manner, but all sects preach the same morality in the name of God.” Moreover, De Tocqueville observes that some Americans may not be convinced of the truth of religion, but he is sure that they are convinced of its utility.
For De Tocqueville, religion typically entails various characteristics that are especially valuable for a free society. These characteristics include: a special appreciation for the equality of people and their inherent value; a commitment to strong family life; a love for order that “carries into the affairs of the State:” and, perhaps most importantly, a requirement of moral self-restraint that preserves liberty and influences public service.
De Tocqueville concludes subchapter 5 on a cautionary note, one that is strikingly relevant to our current political and moral climate. “How could society fail to parish if, while the political bond relaxed, the moral bond were not tightened?” In other words, the increasing polarization in our politics poses a serious threat to the preservation of our Constitutional order if public virtue continues down the current path. At the same time, the growth of secularism has weakened the religious foundations of our shared morality.
Many in today’s debates would strenuously resist making a connection. At the very least, the burden on those professing faith to demonstrate virtuous character has never been greater. Such faith-based morality is what the Founders were counting on, and what De Tocqueville saw as the greatest hope for America.
Paul McNulty is the president of Grove City College. Prior to assuming this position in 2014, he served more than thirty years in Washington, DC as an attorney in public service and private practice. In 2005 he was appointed to the position of Deputy Attorney General by President George W. Bush after serving for more than four years as the United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia where he was a leader in the nation’s response to the terrorist attacks of 9-11. He served for more than ten years in the U.S. House of Representatives including as Chief Counsel for the House Majority Leader, Chief Counsel for the Subcommittee on Crime, and Counsel to the Committee on Standards of Official Conduct. Mr. McNulty also led the corporate compliance and investigations practices at the global law firm Baker McKenzie.
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