Guest Essayist: Heather Yates

Our Commissioners | Office of the Texas Governor | Greg AbbottEssay Read by Constituting America Founder, Actress Janine Turner

 

 

“Resolved…it is demonstrably the right and duty of woman, equally with man, to promote every righteous cause by every righteous means.” These words were issued at the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848, the foundational event for the American women’s suffrage movement. The gathering was organized by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott on July 19-20, 1848, in Seneca Falls, New York. The organizers were motivated to make the public aware of the broader inequalities women faced in American society. One of the most important features at the convention was the drafting of the Declaration of Sentiments, a keystone document of the women’s movement.

At the center of the women’s suffrage campaign was the principle of citizenship. The principle was anchored in the premise of gendered equality and equal abilities. By not recognizing women’s legal right to engage in political processes, the state denied half the population the ability to consent to be governed. Being denied the legal ability to vote, women were rendered invisible to the state and thus denied the protections of the state that are extended to recognized citizens. These grievances, it was argued, made women “civilly dead.”

The Declaration of Sentiments was intentionally modeled after the Declaration of Independence. The Declaration of Independence expressed the nation’s core political beliefs. It presented a political framework inspired by John Locke and classical liberalism, which sought a minimal government and maximal individual freedom, which included the sanctity of property rights, individual rights, and the extension of rights through the instrument of voting. Based on those beliefs, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott declared that “it is the duty of women of this country to secure to themselves their sacred right to the elective franchise.”

The similarities between the Declaration of Independence and the Declaration of Sentiments were deliberate. The Declaration of Independence issued bold statements to justify separation from Britain and to explain the cause of independence to the colonists. The drafters at the Seneca Falls convention issued equally bold statements that indicted patriarchal society as the cause of women’s oppression. They claimed gender equality, and presented their case to the American public that women were citizens necessitating full participation in politics and the social contract.

Like the Declaration of Independence, the Seneca Falls convention issued a list of grievances that detailed the injustices suffered by women, including their inferior legal status, the lack of voting rights, the limited educational and employment opportunities, and ultimately, the economic and physical subordination of women across all socio-economic classes. The notable grievance was the denial of the right to vote. It was argued that in denying women the right to vote, a society “has compelled her to submit to laws, in the formation of which she had no voice.”

It is necessary to point out that modern-day thinking about voting portrays it as a collective practice in expression, whereas the Declaration of Sentiments offers another way to think about voting: as a legal act of conveying consent instead of mere expression. Of course, voting possesses expressive benefits, but voting is much weightier; it is an action to convey legal consent to representation. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott understood that voting implied entering into a legal contract. When we vote, we render our consent to a political candidate to honor that contract. The attendees at the Seneca Falls Convention believed that the idea of democracy, and the experiment of self-governance, is truly a bottom-up organization that requires all citizens to participate in the practices of consenting to being governed.

The boldness of the Declaration of Sentiments did not promote women’s separation from political society, but issued a call for the inclusion of women as legal citizens to enjoy the rights and protection of the state—to consent to being governed. The vote represents a single instrument of citizenship, and being denied that sacred right fell short of the vision set forth in the Declaration of Independence.

Ultimately, the Seneca Falls Convention framed women’s rights not simply as a political
preference, but as a moral imperative rooted in the nation’s founding beliefs. By echoing the language of the Declaration of Independence, the Declaration of Sentiments set out to reveal the contradictions embedded in the political practices that defined the era.

The struggle for the right to vote was portrayed as part of a larger effort to reform the exclusions of half its citizens from political participation. In demanding the vote, Stanton, Mott, and the attendees at Seneca Falls were not asking for special privileges, but for the nation to fully embrace its own professed principles. The Declaration of Sentiments became the philosophical foundation of the women’s rights movement and helped set in motion the long campaign that would eventually reshape the meaning of American citizenship itself.

Dr. Heather Yates is a political scientist and independent scholar who studies a variety of topics focused on American politics with specific attention given to the American Presidency, campaigns, and elections. She has authored three books, numerous book chapters, and dozens of public articles analyzing local and federal elections. Dr. Yates spent 14 years as a university professor teaching a range of topics related to American politics. Dr. Yates now applies her expertise as a researcher and writer at Ballotpedia, the digital encyclopedia of American politics.

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Click here for the essay schedule with today’s essay and previously published essays hyperlinked.

Guest Essayist: Heather Yates

Our Commissioners | Office of the Texas Governor | Greg Abbott
Essay Read by Constituting America Founder, Actress Janine Turner

The essays in our study reference the following edition of Democracy In America: University of Chicago Press – 1st edition translated by Harvey Mansfield and Delba Winthrop. Today’s essay references pages 585 – 587 (stop at chapter 17 heading) of this edition of Democracy in America.

Alexis De Tocqueville’s mission to North America was to study the new case of American democracy.  De Tocqueville analyzed the living standards and conditions of individuals with particular attention to their relationship to the new political state.  In volume 2, part 3, chapter 16, De Tocqueville examined how an individual sense of pride, fashioned by the absence of a heredity-based aristocracy, formulated a new collective identity. Fundamentally, De Tocqueville observed that the Americans’ intense love for country is restless because it has a tendency to be forward, public, out loud, and indefatigable, which some international observers and allies find to be exhausting. While De Tocqueville’s observations might be interpreted as a criticism toward American hubris, he also explains why it reflects the exceptional nature of the American experience. 

De Tocqueville’s analysis of a new American, yet restless, national identity contributes to the notion of American Exceptionalism. The idea asserts that the American experience is an exceptional one and that the American institutions and practices are distinctive, and in this case, are distinctive from England. What is purportedly unique about the American experience can be traced to its political and ideological origins. Very few nations have simultaneously invented themselves both politically (physical territory, borders, and institutions) and conceptually in the manner that the United States did. Furthermore, the exceptional American experience is also attached to notions of “newness” meaning the novel aspects of the lived experiences in the new America. 

When deconstructing the layers of American national identity as an exceptional experience, De Tocqueville identifies a significant reason for distinctions between the Americans and their ancestral England.  De Tocqueville identifies how the absence of an American aristocracy empowers a unique, individualistic national pride. De Tocqueville writes that people who live in democracies “love their country in the same manner that they love themselves”.  According to De Tocqueville, the significance of democracies is that they cultivate fluid conditions (unlike the conditions of heredity in England) by which ambitious and motivated people are enabled to achieve and acquire their own “advantages.”  Here, such advantages can be considered any object (or institution) which offers protection of freedoms and the private ownership of property. An exceptional experience for Americans is that they are empowered to earn their own advantages, property, and achievements through their own labor instead of through heredity.  De Tocqueville details that Americans are equally conscious of the fragile status of their achieved advantages, which makes the new American more restless about losing their achievements. Americans are keenly aware of their fluid stations and that they can lose their lives, liberty, freedoms, and properties just as quickly as they secured them. As De Tocqueville writes, “and as it can happen at any instance that these advantages may escape them, they are in constant alarm and strive to make one see that they still have them.” While the absence of heredity makes for remarkable opportunities in the new American society, it also contributes to the individualistic and boastful nature of its national vanity. De Tocqueville is familiar England’s aristocracy as France’s elites also functioned within an established system inherited privilege and protection as well and where national identity is not as boastful because, to De Tocqueville, heredity is a mechanism that perpetuates the stability of goods and privileges for the aristocracy. Without the replication of such a system in America, individuals felt mostly free to earn and boast of their statuses.  

De Tocqueville’s observations of Americans are that they are individually eager and ambitious while soliciting praises from outside observers about their American experience. De Tocqueville emphasizes that while seeking praise, Americans are also seeking validation for their political experiment.  When compared to their English counterparts, De Tocqueville observes that English pride tends to be a solitary enjoyment of advantages (perceived or real), they do not solicit praise nor are they motivated to critique other nations. Unlike Americans, the English possess a reserved, stoic disposition. However, there is an embedded critique, since de Docqueville accounts for the role that economic class and a sense of social superiority has played in the development of English national identity.  De Tocqueville reminds his readers that when England’s aristocracy conducts public affairs—all other classes imitate it.  In England, the aristocracy assume they are significant and entitled to visibility, which perpetuates their advantage. Whereas, in America, when the least advantaged gain importance, while pride may become demanding and indefatigable, it is not invalid. De Tocqueville has also observed elsewhere that the advantages and privileges earned by Americans are revered as being earned through individual and collective sacrifice that’s given rise to America’s notable and exemplary civic culture.   

Dr. Heather E. Yates is a professor of American politics at the University of Central Arkansas. She has published books and articles on regional and national politics with emphasis on the American presidency, political campaigns, and voting behavior. Her political analysis has been featured in national and regional print and broadcast media. She also speaks to community forums and events about the significance of electoral politics and civic engagement.

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Click here for the essay schedule with today’s essay and previously published essays hyperlinked.