Guest Essayist: Dominic Aquila

Our Commissioners | Office of the Texas Governor | Greg Abbott
Essay Read by Constituting America Founder, Actress Janine Turner

 

Brigadier General Leslie Richard Groves was perhaps the most talented engineering and organizational military officer in American history. Having overseen the construction of the Pentagon, he was assigned to a project so secret that most of the people who worked on it did not know what they were building. Groves initially sought a combat assignment in the European theater, but he set aside his personal ambitions for the needs of the nation. That decision, unglamorous and uncelebrated, was itself an act of civic virtue.

Worried that Nazi Germany was significantly ahead in developing an atomic weapon, Groves wasted no time. On September 17, 1942, his first full day in command, he secured 1,200 tons of high-grade uranium ore; the following day he acquired a processing site in Oak Ridge, Tennessee. He worked against significant obstacles with relentless and uncompromising purpose. Together with the physicist J. Robert Oppenheimer, his efforts produced the first atomic bomb in less than three years, on time and under budget.

Groves’s way of working left little room for sentiment. In the classic leadership binary of concern for people versus task achievement, Groves was decidedly focused on the latter. Brusque and widely unpopular, he had earned a reputation since his days at West Point for getting things done. His wartime aide, Colonel Kenneth D. Nichols, described him bluntly: “He is most demanding. He is most critical. He is always a driver, never a praiser. He is abrasive and sarcastic….He is extremely intelligent. He has the guts to make timely, difficult decisions.”

The challenge before Groves was staggering. The science of nuclear fission was barely four years old, and whether an atomic bomb was even possible remained an open question. The project required simultaneously developing three separate methods of producing fissile material. He oversaw the construction of enormous industrial plants at Oak Ridge, Tennessee, and Hanford, Washington, and a secret weapons laboratory at Los Alamos, New Mexico. Meanwhile, he had to maintain secrecy so complete that even Vice President Harry Truman was not informed of it until he became president in April 1945.

The scale of what Groves organized is almost impossible to absorb. At its peak, the Manhattan Project employed more than 130,000 workers across dozens of sites, consuming resources equivalent to the entire American automobile industry. The workers who built the plants generally had no idea what they were building. They were citizens doing their jobs, trusting that their government had good reasons for employing them. That trust represents a remarkable exercise in the democratic compact: a free people consenting, through their elected representatives, to an extraordinary wartime effort. 

Chief among Groves’s talents was discerning leadership ability in others and bringing it to its full potential. The appointment of Oppenheimer to lead the project’s scientific team met serious opposition from the nation’s scientific elite and Army intelligence alike. Although he was widely acknowledged as brilliant, Oppenheimer had not won a Nobel Prize. Moreover, his associations with leftist organizations in the 1930s raised security concerns. Groves prevailed nonetheless and appointed Oppenheimer. After the war, a prominent scientist who vehemently disliked Groves conceded that the appointment “was a real stroke of genius on the part of General Groves.” Before the project, Oppenheimer had never managed anything greater than a graduate seminar. Groves’s confidence in him inspired his rapid transformation into a deft and charismatic leader.

The bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 ended the war in the Pacific and spared what military planners estimated would have been hundreds of thousands of American casualties in a land invasion of Japan. The moral weight of those decisions rested with President Truman and his civilian advisors. Groves’s role was to ensure the weapon worked and was available when needed. He carried out that charge completely, later writing that he had no personal doubts about the necessity of what he had done. However, he understood that others had their doubts.

What makes Groves worth studying in the context of the American Founding is that he exemplified a tradition of civic service foundational to a republic: the citizen-soldier who subordinates personal preference to public duty, exercises authority within a clear chain of democratic accountability, and accepts responsibility for the consequences of his decisions. The Declaration of Independence asserts that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. The Manhattan Project was that consent in its most demanding form, a people authorizing their government to marshal all available resources in defense of their lives and liberties. The ideologies of Fascism and Communism dismissed liberal democracy as a weak, ineffective, out-modded form of political organization. The success of the Manhattan Project put them to the lie. 

Groves retired from the Army in 1948, without fanfare, as he had served. He is not among the most celebrated figures of the war, and he could be his own worst enemy in matters of personal relations. But the institutions he served endure. On the occasion of the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, it is worth remembering that the principles of 1776 have been sustained not only by statesmen and philosophers but also by men like Leslie Groves. Groves was an engineer of improbable achievement and a faithful servant of government by the consent of the governed.

 

Dominic A. Aquila is a professor, historian, musician, and academic leader whose career bridges the arts, business, and higher education. A graduate of The Juilliard School, he also holds an MBA from New York University and doctorates in history and higher education leadership, and currently serves as a tenured Professor of History and Chair of Studio Arts and Art History at the University of St. Thomas in Houston. His scholarship explores the intellectual history of the Enlightenment, the relationship between faith and culture, and the recovery of polymathy as a model for leadership and learning in the modern world. He is currently a Visiting Research Fellow at the University of Oxford, where he is completing several book projects, including studies on the renewed interest among American intellectuals in the Natural Law following the Second World War and the principles and practices of Polymathic Leadership. 


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Guest Essayist: Domininc Aquila

Our Commissioners | Office of the Texas Governor | Greg Abbott
Essay Read by Constituting America Founder, Actress Janine Turner

 

When the United States entered the First World War in April 1917, it did so in part under the banner of its founding principles. In his war message to Congress, President Woodrow Wilson echoed the universal aspirations of the Declaration of Independence: “We shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own Governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free.” These ideals furnished the public language through which many Americans, including Wilson and a broad spectrum of intellectual opinion, understood and justified the nation’s entry into the war.

Among the most enduring literary responses to the Great War was the conviction that industrial warfare had exposed a profound disjunction between public language and lived experience. Writers who had endured the trenches returned with a vision of war whose scale and destructiveness defied inherited notions of honor, courage, and glory. Heroism had not disappeared, but it had been thrust into an environment dominated by machine guns, heavy artillery, poison gas, barbed wire, and mechanized logistics, where individual valor could no longer overcome the impersonal machinery of industrial war. To be sure, the aftermath of the war produced a certain amount of disillusionment.  But, more constructively, there arose a requirement that the language of sacrifice, duty, and freedom be made answerable to reality.

How did the principles of the American Founding fare under this new mode of warfare? Among the most influential literary responses to the Great War is a tradition often remembered chiefly for its disillusionment. Such a reading captures something important but not enough. The writers considered here affirmed the ideals of liberty, equality, or the dignity of the human person. They rejected the public language that invoked those ideals while accommodating the realities of industrial slaughter. Their work sought to restore the moral seriousness of those ideals by making them answerable to historical reality. If the Declaration proclaimed the equal dignity of every person and government by consent, then the Great War posed a deeper question: whether modern civilization still possessed the moral and spiritual resources necessary to sustain those truths. The first and most penetrating answers came not from statesmen but from poets.

Wilfred Owen’s “Dulce et Decorum Est” (1917) shows what the public language of democratic purpose looked like from inside a gas attack: a soldier “guttering, choking, drowning,” while Horace’s dictum that it is sweet and fitting to die for one’s country became, in Owen’s verdict: 

To children ardent for some desperate glory,

The old Lie: Dulce et decorum est

Pro patria mori.

Alan Seeger, a Harvard graduate who enlisted in the French Foreign Legion before American entry into the war, approached the same reality differently. His “I Have a Rendezvous with Death” (1916) accepts the soldier’s bargain with a gravity no slogan could manufacture.  Seeger was killed on the Somme on July 4, 1916. Together, Owen and Seeger insist that words such as duty, honor, and democracy retain their meaning only when they remain answerable to the realities they profess to describe.

R. R. Tolkien, a signals officer at the Somme who lost nearly every close friend in the war, responded not with memoir but with myth. The Great War was transfigured rather than retold. In The Lord of the Rings, the Dead Marshes form a desolate battlefield whose stagnant pools hold the faces of the fallen. When Frodo looks into the water, he sees faces, not corpses. The dead remain persons rather than anonymous casualties. Read in light of Tolkien’s wartime experience, the scene preserves what industrial warfare threatened to erase: the irreducible dignity of the individual. Against the will to dominate, embodied in Mordor’s factories and forges, Tolkien contrasts the quiet virtues of friendship, fidelity, mercy, and the willingness to carry a burden one did not choose.

S. Lewis, wounded at Arras in 1918, sought to recover the philosophical foundations on which moral imagination depends. In The Abolition of Man (1943), he warned that modernity was dissolving what he called the Tao, the objective moral order that grounds the language of duty, rights, and human dignity. The danger was a degraded intelligence that reduces moral judgments to subjective feeling, producing “men without chests”: people educated out of the moral affections that sustain genuine conviction. Once the Tao is abandoned, the elevated language of the Declaration of Independence becomes available for conscription into what Owen had called “the old Lie.” By defending objective moral truth, Lewis defended the conditions that make the Founding’s appeal to self-evident truths intelligible.

Tolkien and Lewis did not defend the American Founding directly. They defended the moral inheritance from which it sprang: a Christian understanding of the person, a natural law tradition, and the conviction that human dignity is objective rather than conferred by the state. Without that inheritance, the Declaration’s self-evident truths gradually lose their intelligibility. Together they suggest that a free society is sustained not by institutions alone but by a truthful account of the human person. The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution remain among the noblest political expressions of that account, and the literature of the Great War reminds us that their promises endure only insofar as each generation renews the moral imagination, memory, and reason upon which they rest.

 

 

Dominic A. Aquila is a professor, historian, musician, and academic leader whose career bridges the arts, business, and higher education. A graduate of The Juilliard School, he also holds an MBA from New York University and doctorates in history and higher education leadership, and currently serves as a tenured Professor of History and Chair of Studio Arts and Art History at the University of St. Thomas in Houston. His scholarship explores the intellectual history of the Enlightenment, the relationship between faith and culture, and the recovery of polymathy as a model for leadership and learning in the modern world. He is currently a Visiting Research Fellow at the University of Oxford, where he is completing several book projects, including studies on the renewed interest among American intellectuals in the Natural Law following the Second World War and the principles and practices of Polymathic Leadership.

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