Gust Essayist: C.C. Borzilleri

Our Commissioners | Office of the Texas Governor | Greg Abbott
Essay Read by Constituting America Founder, Actress Janine Turner

 

From the nation’s earliest days, Americans celebrated their free and prolific print culture. In establishing their new nation, British colonists and later citizens of the United States drew legitimacy and power from the thriving print industry. In the new nation, printers identified themselves at the center of a civilizing mission to keep the people informed. A Pittsburgh printer, Zadock Cramer, wrote with pride to Thomas Jefferson in 1808 that a gold-leaf Bible “is altogether a western manufactory…this shows what can be done in this our new country when the channel of industry is conducted to a proper point.”

Some leaders even identified the nation’s legitimacy and purpose in its ability to foster such a strong industry of media. For example, in the opening of Isaiah Thomas’s 1810The History of Printing in America, the printer and historian wrote the following:

“Among the first settlers of New England were not only pious but educated men. They emigrated from a country where the press had more license than in other parts of Europe, and they were acquainted with the usefulness of it. As soon as they had made those provisions that were necessary for their existence in this land, which was then a rude wilderness, their next objects were the establishment of schools and a printing press.”

With the official separation from the British Empire, one of the first orders of business for the uniting colonies was to establish a postal service to enable information—about war, trade, and items of interest—to spread across the nation. It ensured that the printed word could travel freely, inhibited by neither political nor physical obstruction, in the national Union.

Reflecting on this period in 1835, Charles Brewster, in a lecture on printing delivered before the Portsmouth, New Hampshire, Lyceum, declared that without a free press, “the system of our government, over so vast an extent of territory, could not be maintained, and the name of State, in its present relation, would soon be heard no more among us. The chain which binds our Union together would be broken—for we are literally bound together by the press.” 

And as the eighteenth century progressed, this certainly seemed to ring true. The power of a self-governing people rested fully on citizens’ ability to make informed decisions. A freely operating news environment allowed the public to educate themselves and deliberate with each other on the news of the day, the priorities of their communities, and the high stakes of their continued civic engagement.

The centrality of the press was enshrined in the First Amendment, which declares: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” And the debate over the role of government in the spread of information was hotly contested during the first years of the early republic. As part of those debates, American leaders spoke extensively about the importance of the press to a free society.

When considering the limitation of the press under the 1798 Sedition Act, Thomas Jefferson asserted that “this is a game where principles are at stake,” and he hoped that the “reign of witches,” as he termed the Adams administration’s attempts to curtail the flow of information, would soon pass. With the expiration of the 1798 law at the start of Jefferson’s own presidency, the rights of free press were restored to the new nation.

Massive changes rocked the production of the news during the early nineteenth century, and the steadfast security of the principles protected by the First Amendment meant that the printed word remained ever powerful in informing the citizenry in the growing republic. By the mid-nineteenth century, both paper production and printing work were completed by steam-powered machines rather than by hand. Such a seismic change to the scope and scale of printed work made the already influential medium even more readily available throughout the American populace. 

The increased mechanization of production, speed, and reliability of travel with infrastructure improvements all came together to culturally shrink the growing country. At the eve of the Civil War, the 1860 census revealed over 4,000 news publications coming regularly off the presses across the United States. And the American people were reading more than one million copies of printed news (in its various forms across newspapers, magazines, and specialty publications) each year. The proliferation of information across the citizenry reflected both the enduring success of the founding principles and the energetic enterprise of the American people to engage in the project of self-governance, both equally key components of a healthy democratic society.

 

Dr. C.C. Borzilleri is a historian of women and print culture in early America. She is a Content Specialist at the Bill of Rights Institute and teaches university courses on American history and memory.


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Guest Essayist: C.C. Borzilleri

Our Commissioners | Office of the Texas Governor | Greg Abbott
Essay Read by Constituting America Founder, Actress Janine Turner

 

Freedom was the word on everyone’s lips in the eighteenth century, including the enslaved people throughout the rebelling colonies and new states formed during the American Revolution.

Establishing legal claims to freedom was a complicated process for enslaved persons bringing lawsuits and petitions to American colonial and early state legislatures. In areas where enslavement was legal, a suit or petition for freedom had to prove a condition and exception of unjust slavery within the larger system. In jurisdictions with bans on enslavement, claims to freedom depended in part on proving that an enslaved person was not a fugitive from a slaveholder in another jurisdiction. Nevertheless, taking legal action for the cause of freedom was a popular practice. Colonial and early state legislatures and courts received thousands of petitions and suits from individuals and groups of enslaved people hoping to leverage the system in their favor. Working within the bounds of legality, enslaved persons sought freedom using legal precedent and the same

philosophical principles that were guiding the colonists’ efforts towards their own independence.

Some scholars make direct, causal linkages between freedom petitions and suits and the Declaration of Independence. A more certain takeaway from all of these documents is the confirmation of a political environment excitable by the ideas and promises of freedom, in all of its manifestations, throughout the eighteenth century. Freedom felt just within grasp of rebelling colonists and enslaved persons alike, and a common language and set of principles united their fights to claim it.

Before, during, and after the American Revolution, enslaved people filed petitions and lawsuits looking to establish a claim to freedom relied upon the philosophical milieu of Enlightenment and religious ideals that colonists also drew upon as their basis for separation from Great Britain. In many cases, the same newspapers circulating the political ideas of liberty in the context of colonial relations also printed claims to freedom from enslaved petitioners.

On July 29, 1773, Isaiah Thomas’s Massachusetts Spy printed the transcript of a freedom petition submitted by a group of enslaved men to Massachusetts Governor Thomas Hutchinson. The petition asserted that “no person can have any just claim to their services unless by the laws of the land they have forfeited them, or by voluntary compact become servants.” In doing so, these men declared their right to consent and the injustice of subjugation when that consent was not granted. These petitioners, just like their colonial contemporaries, could not be forced into service, of any sort, without granting permission to such an arrangement.

Directly above this petition on the front page of the Spy, Thomas’s regular masthead declared, “Do thou, Great LIBERTY, inspire our Souls, — and make our Lives in thy Possession happy, – Or, our Deaths glorious in thy just defense.” This profession of dedication to the cause of liberty, coming from British playwright Joseph Addison’s 1713 Cato, A Tragedy, served to unite ideas of classical liberty, the enlightenment philosophies of the eighteenth century, and the causes of colonized and enslaved individuals alike. The great effort of seeking liberty, of thinking and acting without unjust, external restraint, underlaid the common experiences of humanity across time, place, and race.

The printing and circulation of petitions and lawsuits from enslaved people in newspapers both contributed to and reflected the greater cultural psyche of freedom. The principle of consent of the governed, that individuals had a natural and inalienable right to decide for themselves who could rule them, consistently manifested throughout the legal cases brought forward.

Then in 1776, the Declaration of Independence disrupted the culture and politics of the American colonies in endless ways, including its direct impact on the language of liberty: establishing and affirming a common set of phrases and touchpoints for others to draw upon. This cultural orientation and the increasingly consistent language of liberty was similarly manifest in freedom petitions during this period. The same petitioners who appealed in 1773 for “all of the privileges and immunities of…free and natural born subjects,” continued their calls after the Declaration circulated. In January 1777, these same men again asserted their claim “in common with all other men” to “a natural and unalienable right to that freedom, which the great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all Mankind, etc; which they have never forfeited by any compact or agreement whatsoever.”

In 1777, the petitioners paid direct tribute to the American revolutionaries. They asserted that the colonists’ fight and “unhappy difficulties with Great Britain, pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your Petitioners,” and yet they did argue, clearly and consistently, that the same principles applied to conditions of enslavement as they did to unjust colonial governance. Positioning themselves as the acolytes of the revolutionary freedom fighters served both as a rhetorical strategy and evidence of philosophical alignment with the increasingly dominant set of principles, including liberty and consent of the governed as natural rights.

The documentary trail of legal proceedings, print material, and ambient ideology of liberty indicate an emergent and culturally articulated consensus, in language if not always in practice, that all men were in fact created equal and could not be bound in conditions to which they did not consent. The natural right of all men to rule themselves could not be abridged under this principled understanding that spanned time and place and took hold during the Revolutionary Era.

Dr. C.C. Borzilleri is a historian of women and print culture in early America. She is a Content Specialist at the Bill of Rights Institute and teaches university courses on American history and memory.

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Click here for the essay schedule with today’s essay and previously published essays hyperlinked.