Essay Read by Constituting America Founder, Actress Janine Turner

The essays in our study reference the following edition of Democracy In America: University of Chicago Press – 1st edition translated by Harvey Mansfield and Delba Winthrop. Today’s essay references pages 120 (starting at the heading “On The Election of the President”) through 130 (stopping at the heading “On The Federal Courts”) of this edition of Democracy in America.

These sub-chapters on America’s “Government by Democracy” address a crucial theme of the work: constitutional republic versus democracy. De Tocqueville befriends the new phenomenon of mass, egalitarian democracy, especially its success in America (so far). Yet as a genuine friend, he notes both weaknesses and strengths. His tough-love message: beware too much of a good thing. Too much democracy, and its ideal of equality, undermines America’s other great principles. These include: liberty and self-government; the rule of law; moral principles mostly stemming from Christianity yet sustained by religious liberty; and, striving for happiness (per the Declaration) in ways that ennoble life, not cheapen it. The tough-love messages in these sub-chapters address: public morality, particularly corrupt officials; can our democratic spirit sustain hard struggles (e.g. extended wars); can the people heed the wiser policy judgments of “statesmen;” and, can we exercise the self-control and far-sighted thinking necessary to survive and prosper in a dangerous world.

A crucial passage in the “Efforts” sub-chapter reiterates De Tocqueville’s praise of the United States as a federal republic with a complex Constitution (see e.g. Vol. I, Part 1, ch. 8 – praising the Constitution’s offices for statesmen in the Presidency and Senate, and elevated federal judges, balancing the democratic House). The Constitution keeps America a democratic republic, making the best of our democratic-egalitarian spirit. “Efforts” also notes that “a great democratic-republic has never been seen” ( 212). America is the first powerful, successful such republic in human history. However, here and in the sequel – on “the Power” of self-control American democracy shows – De Tocqueville wonders whether our “democracy,” the dominance in American politics of popular will, allows the necessary self-control and far-sighted thinking. In “Efforts” he concludes that democracy “will in the long term augment the real strength of society,” but aristocracies, monarchies, and despotisms still can gather more focused power (in the mid-19th century). Nonetheless, there is a path America could take, offering hope:

If a democratic country remained subject to a republican government for a century . . . it would be wealthier, more populous, and more prosperous than neighboring despotic [authoritarian] states; but . . . it would have run the risk several times of being conquered by them. (214)

Thus, another theme here: can Americans sustain the civic virtues – including “public morality” – to abide by our republican, constitutional forms of government; thereby sustaining a more honorable politics; and, finding policies to promote greatness and security. Today we don’t think of politics in terms of virtues, vices, or the character of the people and of our leaders; thus, we don’t use “statesman” regularly. Yet: looking across the 190 years since De Tocqueville published these sub-chapters, don’t they capture enduring issues of American self-government, along with predicting our survival – indeed, power and greatness – in a still-dangerous world?

Further ideas to consider:

Corruption and Vices of Those Who Govern in Democracy; Effects on Public Morality
Difficulty maintaining “public morality” in democracy; strong temptations to “vulgar” wealth-seeking by officials – and, to popular suspicions against officials – versus the dignity, honorableness, and “public conscience” a democratic-republic should seek.

Of What Efforts Democracy Is Capable

Phony, authoritarian democracy versus genuine.

De Tocqueville considers only the Revolutionary War an existential crisis for America; he never mentions the War of 1812. Yet, a few chapters ahead, he discusses the prospect of a civil war – over slavery. Can Americans sustain the taxes, and military service either voluntary or conscripted, needed in a war of survival? What wars has America fought to substantial victory since 1830? What wars in the past 60 years have we abandoned? How is America’s military faring after 50 years of the all-voluntary military policy? Democracies prefer peace; can make “a sudden and vigorous effort” in a crisis; but may not be capable of “braving great storms . . . for a long time” (p. 214).

Democracies lack a “clear perception of the future,” of the long-term value gained via difficulties, because “the people feel much more than they reason;” lacking the “enlightenment and experience” that authoritarian governments have regarding war, international challenges (p. 214).

The Power American Democracy Generally Exercises Over Itself

The wisdom of “statesmen” versus “the difficulty that democracy finds in defeating the passions and silencing the needs of the moment in view of the future;” that “the people are surrounded by flatterers,” and we often fall for the easy path offered.

De Tocqueville’s harsh criticism of Indians (the typical term in the 19th century), and the Spanish and indigenous peoples of South America, reflects a time when democratic republics were new and fragile; he emphasizes the basic reality that no people and politics is successful unless prosperous, ordered, and powerful enough to defend itself. Later in this Part he severely criticizes America for betraying the principles of the Declaration in its treatment of African slaves and indigenous peoples; but also predicts America will someday be one of the world’s two dominant states – standing for liberty – while Russia stands for authoritarianism. He praises America, even if flawed, for being ordered enough to achieve greatness – by securing the power to defy authoritarianism; yet this realistic lens also produces his harsh judgments about other peoples.

Paul Carrese is a Professor in the School of Civic & Economic Thought and Leadership at Arizona State University, and its founding Director, 2016-2023. Formerly he was a professor at the U.S. Air Force Academy and co-founded its honors program blending liberal arts education and leadership education. He teaches and publishes on the American founding, American constitutional and political thought, civic education, and American grand strategy. He has held fellowships at Oxford University (Rhodes Scholar); Harvard University; the University of Delhi (Fulbright fellow); and James Madison Program, Princeton University; and currently is a Senior Fellow of the Jack Miller Center for Teaching America’s Founding Principles and History.

Click here to receive our Daily 90-Day Study Essay emailed directly to your inbox.

Click here for the essay schedule with today’s essay and previously published essays hyperlinked.